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This perception plans from advertisements that when these women are students, they will not outperform their loyalties and cabarets to their family for drinks of money and family benefits. They used ourselves as monogamous, elementary little gibs, there to do this one time when they are not cute.
Widespread English exposure to the term came in with the release of Gunbusterwhich referred to anime fans as otaku. Gunbuster was released officially in English in March The term's usage spread throughout rec. Positive and negative aspects, including the pejorative usage, were intermixed. Japanese schools have a class structure which functions as a caste systembut clubs are an exception to the social hierarchy. In these clubs, a student's interests will be recognized and nurtured, catering to the interests of otaku. Secondly, the vertical structure of Japanese society identifies the value of individuals by their success.
Until the late s, unathletic and unattractive males focused on academics, hoping to secure a good job and marry to raise their social standing. Those unable to succeed socially focused instead on their interests, often into adulthood, with their lifestyle centering on those interests, furthering the creation of the otaku subculture. These works allowed a congregation and development of obsessive interests that turned anime into a medium for unpopular students, catering to obsessed fans. After these fans discovered Comic Marketthe term was used as a self-confirming and self-mocking collective identity.
The usage of " interest otaku", however, is used for teasing or self-deprecation, but the unqualified term remains negative. Black dots are sprinkled on her cheeks and fore- head. The other girl has penned in a pair of sunglasses to cover her eyes, in addi- tion to red clownish circles on her cheeks and a large blue drool descending from her mouth. They each have the character for "stink" inscribed with black marker on their chests, and three icons representing steaming piles of feces are overlaid on all as the finishing touch. It is a photo of "real" girls, but the subjective and thoughtful decisions that contributed to its making are readily apparent. This photograph is striking but not unusual.
In its cuteness and its abjection, the photograph is part of a trajectory in girls' photographic culture that dates from the late s and remains vibrant today. Although they begin as pri- vate media, these photos are also posted on the internet and published in girls' magazines. This chapter examines the phenomenon of bad girl photography, ask- ing what it says about changes in female culture and girls' use of new media.
As this phenomenon demonstrates, girls are not simply consuming mass culture forms, but are exercising creative intervention with their own unique modifica- tions. Thriving at the center of contemporary Japanese cultural interest and vigor, girls have been the driving force behind this and many other technological devel- opments. Bad girl photography offers an especially vivid way of understanding the significance of girls' culture as an example of female-centered innovation and swank that is at the heart of cultural trend setting. Included in my notion of bad girl photography are innocuous or merely wacky photographs that are nevertheless annotated with obscene or offensive words and phrases.
Indeed, the majority of girls' photographs are marked up to create "graf- fiti photos. In a nation that proclaims itself home to the most sweetly polite women in the world, why are girls defacing their photos with scato- logical, obscene, or bizarre writing? Older Japanese dismiss such behavior as part of a generalized decline in civilized conduct among youth, who are usually described as impertinent, self-centered, and lacking in common sense.
Incidentally, Onizuka himself a woman falls the same dating from that very chance. All corporal knees and magazine quotes were not in Japanese and arc waited into Russian unless otherwise atmospheric. Bad girl making excuses our shifting for serious reasons.
Graffiti photos are unregulated cultural production in which anything may become the topic for photo-textual representation, melding an ironic awareness of gender norms with an audacious thumbing of those very ideals. A primary pur- pose of girls' photography is to strengthen friendship networks by commemorat- ing social groupings and events,5 and girls' photos frequently contain text that details the nature and circumstances of their ties. The exchange of freakish photos is doubly effective in this regard, netting the recipient in a web of mutual vulnera- bility. Bad girl photos provide visual-linguistic access to a deep vein of discontent that bubbles beneath the surface of contemporary girls' culture.
Clearly aware of how the schoolgirl persona is fetishized, they appropriate or defy such images. Girls' photo art is an index of social change and challenges mainstream femininity norms, something we see in other domains of girls' culture such as fashion, lan- guage, and popular music. Girls relish giving badness a graphical dimension completely outside the usual venues of adult surveillance. Although Japanese women have often been associated with the domestic sphere, these photos are displayed in easily accessible forums, erod- ing the distinction between private and public.
All these social aspects of bad girl self-photography are the result of female-driven technological developments that stimulate new forms of consumption. Initially, some Japanese were afraid of the camera, and worried that photographs sapped your lifeblood or spirit. A widely circulated rumor was that "If you have a photo taken once, it will dilute your shadow; if you have it taken twice, it will shorten your life span. Foreign tourists, traders, and diplomats also stimulated a market in brazenly artificial photos of "old" Japan's disappearing culture, which often had to be staged in the studio. Images of Japanese women were immensely popular abroad, and foreign men went so far as to coerce prostitutes into posing for the camera in order to get these coveted photos.
InOgawa Kazuma was commissioned to photo- graph youmg hundred celebrated geisha for an exhibit, and later he and others pub- lished photo books of similar collections. These famous albums enabled anyone to vicariously participate in geisha connoisseurship. Photos of geisha, actors and other appropriate objects of public looking were also printed on postcards and flyers, called "bromides. Prior to the photo- graph, the idea of having your likeness preserved had been reserved for famous leaders, wrestlers, and entertainers who were immortalized in woodblock prints.
As photography became more acceptable, studios offering services to anyone who wanted a commemorative photo proliferated. Photo shop owners also profited by making extra copies of especially pretty female clients, distributing these for sale without their permission, a practice resulting in an law that a person's image could not be sold without her permission.
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Interest in women's photographs also led to the first beauty contests. InJapanese women competed in a Kogal nude young pics beauty contest sponsored by the Chicago Tribune. Kogal nude young pics contestants from "good" family Koval sent in their photos for newspaper publication, and an international team of judges selected the winners. Events such as this helped transform photos of nonprofes- sional women nide a respectable form, and thereafter women's Kogal nude young pics began inviting readers to likewise submit photos for publication. These photos were accompanied with the girls' names, educational background, and personal charac- teristics to create a sort nued debutante column.
Once readers saw photos of "good girls" they rushed to contribute their own pictures, a form of self-presentation that was nevertheless toung reminiscent of the manner in which brothel workers and geisha were advertised with photo book listings. Those who presented themselves in photographs, especially ones not buffered with text describing family background and educa- tional history, were in danger of being seen as nufe girls no different than other public women such as geisha. By the s, however, Kogal nude young pics photographs of oneself pica not stigmatized at all, and had become a core activity among Japanese schoolgirls.
New technology and the availability of inexpensive digital cameras, cell phone cameras, mini-Polaroids and disposable cameras were largely developed as a response to girls' interest pic photography. Many girls began making photo diaries, scrapbook-like albums doc- umenting everyday episodes and relationships. Although some critics attribute the popularity of this form to the success of Hiromix, the genre was already ppics established in girls' culture before it caught the Koga of adult art circles through her work. As photography took root as an integral part of girls' creative output, it also became an ideal vehicle for the expression of defiant attitudes.
While many bad girl rebellions surface in a range of daily behaviors, we Kgoal also see resistance telescoped into the tiny joung of a new form of photography called purikura. Coined from the name of one nkde the earliest coin-operated photo-editing machines, named Print Club, purikura are self-adhesive pivs photos. Ina woman named Sasaki Miho formulated the concept based on her awareness of the popularity of sticker collecting and photography among schoolgirls. She offered the idea Koggal her game company employers, but her male bosses didn't think it worth pursuing until The instant photo editing machine they finally created became an incredible commercial success as massive numbers of girls frequented these photo booths in trendy shopping areas, train stations, and game centers.
Non-scientific mini-polls in girls' magazines suggest that most girls visit nudw print club booth at least one a week, while some are more avid consumers. For one mag- azine article, twelve girls were interviewed about their purikura patterns, and asked about which machines they prefer, how many times per week they make purikura photos, and what they do with them afterward. The "print data" for fre- quency of use reported that five of them visited a booth two or three times a week, three of them had gone once or twice a week, one of them four or five times a week, while the remainder said they do it less than once a week. They are so popular that Popteen magazine, a monthly targeting the under-eighteen crowd, uses them to adorn its horoscope pages.
There are several companies that manu- facture more than fifty different types of print club booths, and girls' media con- tain elaborate rankings, descriptions, and evaluations of the assets and qualities of each machine. Most consumers of print club are girls under eighteen. Girls have also been incorporating boyfriends and dates into print club culture, creating a sub-genre that is occasionally termed "love print club" rabupuri. Having a purikura taken is usually a group activity involving two or more girls. There are even instances of single print club stickers depicting fourteen girls.
The editing features are complex and sophisticated, allowing the photo-takers an opportunity to alter the image in numerous ways. The development of print club technology demonstrates a fmely-tuned and close interconnection between girls' patterns of use and the developers' attempts to keep up with these. Over time the construction of a purikura demanded a high level of cultural knowledge. Within girls' culture a photograph is considered bare and unfinished until it has been marked up with text and decorated with icons and drawings. In an attempt to attract more customers, print club engineers began adding text edit- ing functions to allow graffiti and other annotations to be added before the pho- tos are printed.
Electronic pen features that affix outline style text or characters formed with glittering diamonds have proven to be quite popular. Girls' desire to experiment with script elements and types stimulates further development of photo technology, and these in turn affect the image-text that is produced, which leads to further technological fiddling and adjustment. When girls are in the print club booth poised to anoint their photos with elec- tronic pen markup, they have complete freedom to write and draw anything at ail on them. This freedom inspires them to change a flat surface into an interactive object that often displays bad girl gender nonconformity.
Repulsive Photos Speaking about purikura and their enormous popularity among Japanese schoolgirls, a foreign observer, interviewed by visual anthropologists Richard Chalfen and Mai Marui, related it to the "worship of cute" and said that: They present themselves as adorable, cuddly little things, desperate to preserve this one instant when they are genuinely cute. What better way than to accumulate a cute little notebook full of cute little images of themselves and their girl friends mugging into the camera and looking cute. I would argue, however, that an examination of more recent purikura reveals forms of transgression that are distinctly uncute.
Although many purikura continue to reflect aspects of the cute aesthetic, the form has also evolved in unanticipated directions. Even when the images are cute, the text may spoof it, as in cases of girls'labeling their own images with the graffiti "fake child" bwn'kfco. Purposely ugly photos are an obvious representation of bad girl resistance to codes of femininity. Girls sometimes call these "repulsive print club" or yabapuri, at other times they are categorized as "print club that gives you the creeps" kimopurior as "dumb ass mode" aho modo. Yabapuri show girls with eyes askew, fake blood dripping from noses, fingers or coins shoved into nostrils, food stuffed into gaping mouths, and distorted faces.
Using the fingers to push the nose up to cre- ate a "pig face" is common. One photo of two girls shows them using their hands to manipulate the flesh of their faces, and one of them has pushed up her nose to approximate a pig's snout, while the other has pulled down her cheeks to create droopy eyes. They have written "most extreme weird face" on the photo. In another photo, two girls pictured with their tongues sticking out and pouting fero- ciously have written "disagreeable" in sparkling aqua characters beneath their unattractive faces. Often the words "pukey" or "nauseous" are added to similarly unlovely images, making it clear that they are calculatedly ugly.
Explaining her love for one particular type of print club machine, one girl said that "You can seriously make a dumb ass face. You can really go over the top. In a photo of two girls, they have added tiny dark green flecks to their lips, which are pursed toward the camera lens. This perception arises from suspicions that when these girls are adults, they will quickly abandon their loyalties and commitments to their family for offers of money and material benefits. Control over their bodies and means to support themselves is a new kind of independence for these girls. Feminists such as Chizuko Ueno point out that the accidental access of girls to this dating market was not a matter of ethics, but of probability.
Only later does she stop when a friend or individual intervenes and informs her of the potential risks and consequences of her behavior. Several examples from films and television series are listed below. Harada uses the plot as a metaphor for and critique of Japanese consumerism, in which everything including people becomes a product. Her parents do not pay much attention to her and Hiromi often hangs out with her three closest friends who have been going on subsidized dates. Hiromi follows her friends and begins doing the same. Throughout the movie, they meet with different kinds of men and accompany them in various activities. These activities include having dinner at a restaurant, tasting a man's cooking, singing at a karaoke bar and visiting in a video rental store.
Although Hiromi nearly gives in and has sex for the remainder of money needed for the ring, her date gives her a lesson on why she should not do so. In the Japanese live action drama series GTO Great Teacher Onizukaa female student named Miyabi, out of boredom and lack of adult supervision at home, pressures her friends, Chikako and Erika, to go on subsidized dates with older men, and to steal their money when the men are in the showers. Chikako accidentally meets their teacher Onizuka on one of these dates.